Africa’s Development and Economic Crisis: Namibia in Context
Economic,
social and political inclinations in Sub-Saharan Africa profoundly demonstrate
the continent in multifold crises of development, with implications threatening
not only the welfare and existence of broader segments of populations but the
development base for future generations.
As per
Aina (1993), a crisis in context of development, refers to a multi-dimensional
situation by which a structure begins to experience a serious breakdown in the
process of reproducing itself to sustain its survival. In terms of the nature
of Africa’s crisis, for Aina, is characterized by features ranging from Africa
being conflict ridden, economic growth disproportionate to population growth,
increasing environmental degradation, a socio-cultural malaise of the
continent, and Africa’s complacent and stagnated domestic politics defined by multiparty
democracies dominated by former liberation movements with centralized
authoritarian tactics and patrimonial regimes branded by strong cliental
systems.
Africa’s
poverty and her economic predicament is distinguished by export patterns virtually
unchanged as agricultural products and raw materials still account for the bulk
of trade, while domestic government development plans and industrial policies
are met with failure, owing to the lack of sophisticated domestic markets and
peripheral neoliberal capitalist structures inhibiting industrialization
efforts thus perpetuating the dependence on imports of industrial consumer goods.
In addition, Africa’s public sector is the significant source of employment,
supplying up to more than 60% of the jobs in the formal sector. However,
neoteric employment in this sector has been deterred by austerity measures due
to the adverse liquidity crisis.
The
concept of development entails a process of
change and improvement that is for all- purposes positive and desirable. For Stiglitz,
development represents a transformation of society, a movement from traditional
methods of production to most progressive modern ways. Indeed, modern means are
in demand, change is a generational necessity and governments are charged with
the responsibility to practically improve the standard of living, extend
lifespans and increase productivity.
The
development crisis has been but a common occurrence the world over, although
with more effect to Africa. The failure of the communist system was a failure
of the political and social order of which the models between market socialism
and capitalist economies were fundamentally misunderstood, as actors didn’t
appreciate the role of institutions in the economy and the importance of the
interface between the economy and governments as key players in society. As Stiglitz
observes, ‘’the issue is one of balance, and where that balance is may depend
on the country, the capacity of its government, and the institutional
development of its markets”.
Second,
the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 was a crisis
that affected Asian countries, including South Korea, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. The trigger for the crisis
was the 1996 export slowdown, which saw stock markets and currencies loose
about 70% of their value. This devaluation deflated their currency leading to high
inflation and a host of related issues.
Third, the US financial
crisis of 2008, led to great recession and affected dependent economies, the
world over. Without Africa being left out, the sudden stop of international
capital flows produced a collapse of share prices and exchange rate. The rand
depreciated 37% against the US dollar, leading to the collapse of commodity
prices that hit particularly the mining and commodity industries. The ripple
effects of the crisis rapidly spread to weak economies, with Namibia in case,
being a commodity export market, leading to the overall contraction of its
economy. The credit crunch had lengthy negative consequences for the
development and growth capacity of the nation-state. While the current economic
crisis presents a scenario where governments around the world are scrambling to
stabilize their economies.
Developed countries employ(ed) developmental state driven approach
to achieve and sustain the level of development they enjoy, by having their government control markets, establishing
regulatory agencies and backing their financial institutions. This is because
the US and Europe understand that unregulated capitalist economies lead to high
levels of economic instability and widespread social issues. The contradiction
and hypocrisy is that the same developed countries and their capitalism
policing firms – rating agencies, WTO, IMF and their financial and economic wizards – coerce African
governments to cease the regulation of market forces of demand/supply and cost
pricing, ‘to trade freely, attract investment and achieve economic growth.’
While a few countries have succeeded in rapid economic
growth, narrowing the gap between themselves and the more advanced countries,
and securing their citizens out of poverty, many more countries have seen the
poverty and inequality gap grow, as neoliberal capitalist markets, even when
assiduously followed, have not guaranteed success.
Successful countries, the ‘Asian tigers’ have not
followed Washington Consensus strategies, but carved out paths of their own.
Indeed,
the rapid growth of the countries of East Asia wasn’t achieved through the
promotion of liberalization and privatization of markets. Yet their success in
development was accompanied by a reduction of poverty, widespread improvements
in living standards, and even process of democratization.
In most
cases, government played a large role.
They followed standard technical prescriptions, of stable macroeconomic
policies, while disregarding adverse policies.
These governments pursued highly productive investment in strategic economic
sectors, complemented by industrial policies emphasizing the importance of
education and technology to close the knowledge gap between them and the more
advanced economies. Moreover, governments
intervened in trade to promote the export of their self-produced goods, also
regulating financial markets, engaging in mild financial restraint, lowering
interest rates and increasing the profitability of banks and firms.
With the
effort to invest in key strategic sectors of the economy and the introduction
of incentives and schemes to boost the domestic market in agriculture, small
medium enterprises, et al, Namibia is in pursuant of the neoliberal capital
market, based on free trade, minimal market regulation and export promotion.
The government campaigns with such principle to attract FDI, which is not a sustainable means of
development, despite what we are being taught in schools. For no country is
built by foreigners owning its resources and factors of production. More
so, Namibia fails to attract investment because TNC’s do not invest in fragile
economies, whose governments cannot guarantee a stable currency and are
therefore more attracted to Latin America and Asian markets.
With Namibia classified as an upper middle income developing country,
the period 2012 – 2015 saw the economy grow by 5.6%, this is 1.18% average a
year. The NDP5, attributes this sluggish, negative and exclusive growth towards
a lack of industrialization, infrastructure development and investment. External aid and investment, is unreliable, volatile
and leaves the country vulnerable to external
shocks due to the absence of strategies that would enable the country to
respond and reverse such economic development crisis.
For instance, the 2008/2009 crisis was resolved in many of the industrial and emerging
markets, by employing counter-cyclical economic policies, comprising interest
rates that were lowered and fiscal stimulus programs enacted in pursuit to
avert economic collapse (Culpeper, 2010). And Namibia does not have the latitude
nor capacity to deploy such counter policies, ‘ones that cool down the economy
when in an upswing and stimulate the economy when in a downturn’. For the
country’s tax bases are narrow and domestic revenues insufficient.
The impact
of these development and economic crisis is characterized
by high inflation, perpetuated and prolonged unemployment, falling average
incomes, increased inequality and additional high government borrowing. The
class struggle is the order the day, with its effect on the working class and
the youth in its majority. The youth see,
feel and live with the effects of the crisis daily at school, at home and at
work, and overall experience the lowest living standards in the country. In
2016, the World Social Employment Outlook report, found that 35% of young Namibians
aged 16-24 are jobless, while 15% of the employed youth experience extreme
poverty of those employed on internship and those underemployed. Of course,
figures exclude the age bracket of 25 – 35.
The economic
crisis is but a crisis of capitalism and Marx and Engels’ fundamental
predictions – on the intense concentration of wealth, the development of
monopolies and the inevitability of crises – have proven accurate. The Marxist theory highlights the capital market of development based on
polarization, unequal relations, and subordination of industries of the
peripheries. The ideas of
Marxism properly enunciate this crisis of capitalism and therefore calls for a
radical alternative development paradigm, in favor of the working
people and youth, opposed to policies in favor of individuals and corporations
to maintain the status quo.
Through a system of socialism - which is the
conscious organization of society and production for the benefit of humanity by
placing the means of production and mineral wealth in society under democratic
workers’ control based on a national plan of production, that would be able to
provide everyone with employment, education, housing, health care,
transportation, access to culture and art and a say in the running of society.
Socialism
as the alternative paradigm will be constructed on the condition of a people-centered
development structure and based on universal human values. By this, development
will not be measured solely in terms of GDP growth but assessed in the
background of human contentment. Unregulated market forces lead to exclusive
development culminating in the widening gap between the rich and poor, class
struggle and violence in society. Hence a regulatory mechanism is key for the
state to control market forces and thus help distribute development benefits and
create genuine economic opportunities to the lowest strata of society.
Moreover,
citizens can only play an active and non-partisan role in championing the
common interests of the people through public deliberation of civil society
engagement, to help institutions deliver public goods better. While the regional
and local institutions of governance should be democratized to reflect
transparency and accountability and be decentralized in the literal sense, to
check the authoritarian attitude of the state and strengthen the process of the
democratic machinery from the perspective of development based on cooperation
as this would ensure the participation of all in the political and economic processes
and equip the citizens with the responsibility of managing their own affairs at
the grassroot level through people – centered planning and initiatives.
*M. Pendapala Taapopi, is a Namibian Youth and
student at University of Namibia, from Eheke Village, Oshana Region. He is
reachable at mtptaapopi@gmail.com
References:
Aina, T.
(1993). Development Theory and Africa’s
Lost Decade: Critical Reflections on Africa’s Crisis and Current Trends in
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Bellu, L.
(2011). Development and Development
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Culpeper, R. (2010). The
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Namibia National Planning Commission, (2017).
Namibian National Development Plan
(NDP5, p.vi, 2017). http://www.npc.gov.na/?page_id=18
Rising, J and Lyon, R. (2015). The
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Stiglitz,
J. (1998). Towards A New Paradigm for
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