Explaining the Endurance of Swapo Party’s Dominance
Despite the citizen’s
demands for better economic opportunities and better social welfare programs; amidst,
high unemployment rate and neo-liberal capitalist economic policies; moreover,
despite relentless and legitimate criticism from political scientist and
analysts, there are theoretical and practical fundamental typologies that elucidate
and justify why the poor, middle class, business sector and pensioners keep
voting for the Swapo party.
The Swapo party shares
a rich history with the Namibian people, in that it’s acknowledged as the only
previous national liberation movement and thus attributed to have engendered
the end of colonialism and apartheid by having mobilised citizens to fearlessly,
courageously fight with valour and bravery for political independence, the
party’s stability depends upon these inheritance from the past. The ability to
transcend social cleavages – economic, ethnic, religious and linguistic
divisions in society – to be able to attract voters from different social
groups in order to win elections and stay in power and establish dominant
position, is the long term goal that has been strategically employed by the
ruling party.
The institutional
arrangement for executive-legislature relations ensures influence and better access
to state resources to the ruling party and thus tends to use this advantage to
entrench their position. The party also has fruitful relations with the
business sector that owes their loyalty to party cadres. We have a culture that
consists of widely shared fundamental beliefs; the party is infused with
cultural norms that are constantly being redefined, with the culture of
personalized politics and patronage networks that manifest themselves in our
body politic.
Finally, the reality is that none of the opposition parties inspire
confidence. The oppositions’ failure to be radical and capture the hearts and
minds of the young – born frees – and middle class offers no credible
electorate alternative, the lack of resources and disappointing grasp of
political discourse and orientation is challenging them.
Honestly poor and middle class vote for the Swapo party, despite its
embodiment of problematic elements, because of the psychological, historical
and sentimental attachment to the party and believe Swapo to be the only
organisation that has the ability to liberate them from the clutches of
poverty, unemployment and structural inequalities.
Rationalizing this
dominant narrative, philosopher Frantz Fanon, recommends that the colonized
masses need to undergo a decolonization process that will conscientize them.
Hence without labelling the poor (the presently disadvantaged) as incapable of
thinking, for lack of better term, we are still capable of being role players of in our own liberation.
To be our own role players, the late transformational leadership pastor, Dr.
Myles Munroe, advocated and challenged us to employ these principles of
national transformation, we need to influence; to be active and involved in
determining the needs of the community and solutions thereof; to challenge and
change the status quo through engaging, interacting, impacting, invading and
confronting the powers that be, radically and unapologetically.
Moreover the Swapo party’s neo-liberal policies may be progressive but
the poor are not interested in ideology as the middle class might be. They
careless about the Harambee Prosperity Plan, the National Development Plan or
National Budget. This is because they are preoccupied with their own survival
and that of their families, they will vote and defend the ruling party because
of the basic services and opportunities they receive which means more than
enough to them, as observed by young South African author, Malaika Mahlatsi. A
rural family getting clean water, electricity, a clinic and gravel road,
pensioners receiving their N$1100 monthly grant and poor students receiving
NSFAF study grants, the Swapo party is everything.
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